La lecture de Bernard de Clairvaux fut déterminante pour Blondel, spécialement dans la genèse de sa phénoménologie de l'action. En reconnaissant cette dette, le philosophe allait contre une opinion généralement reçue. Au lieu de rechercher, dans l'œuvre du moine du XIIe siècle, une redoutable critique de la " philosophie ", Blondel y déchiffrait une véritable anthropologie. Une rencontre féconde! A l'aide de documents inédits, Jean Leclercq repère les lieux philosophiques où Maurice Blondel s'est laissé inspirer par le génial (...) cistercien et, dans une lecture croisée, il identifie leurs lignes de convergence. Cette mise en abyme des deux pensées révèle leur actualité : l'action est la manifestation d'une quête de sens et d'unité. Elle est aussi le lieu d'une liberté qui se cherche, pour s'affirmer, par-delà les déterminismes de la vie et de la pensée. (shrink)

Ces deux volumes sont l'œuvre de collaborations multiples et croisées : M. Lamy pour l'introduction, MI. Huille pour la traduction et A. Solignac pour les notes, si l'on en croit la page de garde, bien vite nuancée dans l'Avant-propos qui précise à la fois qu'A. Solignac s'est aussi chargé de la tâche minutieuse et discrète qu'est la révision de la traduction, mais aussi que d'autres collaborateurs sont intervenus : J. Figuet et L. Mellerin. Comme pour les films, les volumes de (...) Sources Chréti.. (shrink)

There has been a great deal of interest in medieval action theory in recent years. Nonetheless, relatively little work has been done on figures prior to the so-called High Middle Ages, and much of what has been done has focused on better-known thinkers, such as Augustine and Anselm. By comparison, Bernard of Clairvaux's treatise, De gratia et libero arbitrio has been neglected. Yet his treatise is quoted widely by such important scholars as Philip the Chancellor, Alexander of Hales, (...) and Albertus Magnus. Some historians of philosophy argue that his writings inspired the voluntarist movement that developed in the 1270s. Thus, Bernard must be seen as an important influence upon later medieval theories of action. In this paper, I examine the basic structure of his interesting account of human action and its freedom and conclude by raising some further issues connected to his work. /// Nos últimos anos assistiu-se a uma retoma do interesse pela teoria medieval da acção. Apesar disso, poucos estudos têm versado sobre os pensadores anteriores à assim chamada Alta Idade Média, para além de que esses estudos se debruçam sobretudo sobre os filósofos mais conhecidos, como é o caso de Agostinho e de Anselmo. Comparativamente, o tratado de S. Bernardo de Claraval, De gratia et libero arbítrio, não tem suscitado muita atenção crítica. Contudo, numerosos pensadores citaram este tratado, entre eles Filipe o Chanceler, Alexandre de Hales, e Alberto Magno. Vários histonadores da filosofia têm avançado a tese de que os escritos de Bernardo influenciaram o movimento voluntarista que se desenvolveu nos anos 1270. Nesse sentido, as ideias de Bernardo de Claraval tiveram um certo impacto sobre as teorias da acção que haveriam de aparecer mais tarde. No presente artigo, a autora examina as ideias do pensador medieval sobre a acção humana e a sua liberdade, terminando com o levantar de algumas novas questões sobre o tratado de Bernardo de Claraval. (shrink)

This paper examines the thinking of Bernard of Clairvaux about love in relationship to the ideas of his two famous contemporaries, Peter Abelard and Héloise. It looks at Bernard's intellectual debt to William of Champeaux on issues of sin and grace, and to William of Saint-Thierry for ideas about how amor evolves into caritas. Bernard makes a stronger link between amor and dilectio, and introduces use of the Song of Songs, to explain how worldly love can (...) develop into spiritual love. The author also considers the evolution of the ideas about love of Peter Abelard, observing that he draws on the same definition of Cicero in the Sic et Non and Theologia as underpins a rather crude attempt to define love in the Epistolae duorum amantium, which the author of the article thinks to be a record of the early letters of Abelard and Héloise. Whereas Abelard always contrasts worldly and spiritual love, the effort of Heloise to connect amor and dilectio parallels that of Bernard. /// O presente artigo debruça-se sobre o pensamento de S. Bernardo de Claraval acerca do amor em relação com as ideias desenvolvidas pelos seus dois famosos contemporâneos, Pedro Abelardo e Heloísa. Além disso, o artigo toma também em consideração a dívida intelectual de S. Bernardo em relação a Guilherme de Champeaux a propósito de temas como o pecado e a graça, bem como a Guilherme de Saint-Thierry relativamente a ideias acerca de como amor se transforma em caritas. Bernardo estabelece um vínculo forte entre amor e dilectio, e introduz o uso do Cântico dos Cânticos para explicar de que modo o amor mundano se pode transformar em amor espiritual. O artigo toma também em considerçãdo a evolução das ideias acerca do amor de Pedro Abelardo, referindo o facto de que ele se inspira na definição do Cicero no Sic et Non e Theologia, sublinhando a sua tentativa de definição do amor nas Epistolae duorum amantium, as quais são aqui consideradas como um arquivo das primeiras cartas entre Abelardo e Heloísa. Finalmente, o artigo chama também a atenção para o facto de que Abelardo tende a contrasrar o amor mundano e o amor espiritual, ao passo que o esforço de Heloísa em conectar amor e dilectio paralela o próprio esforço de S. Bernardo. (shrink)

This work will examine the concept of soul developed in mysticism of abbot Bernard of Clairvaux (1090-1153). For this, I will analyze extracts of five writings namely the Third Series of Sentences, three of his Liturgical Sermons, and the parabola The Three Children of the King.

Abstract Two distinguishing marks of voluntaristic conceptions of human action can be found already in the 12th century, not only in the work of Bonaventura's successors: 1. the will is free to act against reasons's dictates; 2. moral responsibility depends on this conception of the will's freedom. A number of theologians from the 1130s to the 1170s accepted those claims, which have been originally formulated by Bernard of Clairvaux. Robert of Melun elaborated them in a systematical way and (...) coined the terminological distinctions which were controversely discussed in the following centuries. The paper edits and interprets some of his texts about voluntary action. Furthermore, it shows that Bernard's and Robert's ideas have been transported by their intellectualist critics in the 13th century. (shrink)

Este artigo busca expor as críticas de Bernardo de Claraval às superfluidades humanas no texto da Apologia, especialmente aquelas referentes à arte arquitetural. Em segundo lugar, procura analisar as implicações estéticas do ascetismo cisterciense e bernardiano. As críticas de Bernardo exercem uma influência decisiva na ornamentação e fazem nascer uma nova arquitetura. This paper is to expose the criticism of human superfluities at Bernard of Clairvaux in the text of the Apology, especially those related to architectural art. Secondly, (...) analyzes the aesthetic implications of cistercian and bernardian asceticism. Criticism of Bernard exercise a decisive influence on ornamentation and give birth to a new architecture. (shrink)

Dans le Sermon 74 sur le Cantique des Cantiques, Bernard de Clairvaux fait part de son expérience, exprimée en termes de « visites du Verbe ». De son propre aveu, il vise le dévoilement d’une ontologie de la personne qui se réalise pleinement par l’expérience immédiate du Verbe. La construction de la théologie bernardine est reprise dans cet article à partir du mouvement alternatif entre expérience et expression. La capacité humaine de produire de nouvelles formes de langage ne (...) s’épuise pas dans la mise en œuvre de la langue. Pour mettre en exergue cette idée, les termes d’inoperosità (désœuvrement) et d’inappropriable, forgés par Giorgio Agamben, sont utilisés pour montrer dans quelle mesure le cistercien emploie l’art des paroles pour produire l’effet de son expérience personnelle avec Dieu. L’article tente ainsi de montrer que les mots bernardins entrent dans un mode de désœuvrement, afin de nous introduire dans la contemplation du Verbe en tant que forme de vie et transformation intérieure. (shrink)

Pourquoi avons-nous tant de mal à changer nos styles de vie alors que plus personne ne peut nier que notre modèle de développement a un impact destructeur sur le plan écologique et social ni douter de l'intensité des violences infligées aux animaux? Relever ce défi implique de combler l'écart entre la théorie et la pratique en développant une éthique des vertus. Au lieu de se focaliser sur les principes ou sur les conséquences de nos actes, celle-ci s'intéresse à nos motivations (...) concrètes, c'est-à-dire aux représentations et aux affects qui nous poussent à agir. Quels traits moraux peuvent nous conduire à être sobres et à avoir du plaisir à faire le bien, au lieu d'être constamment déchirés entre le bonheur et le devoir? L'éthique de la considération prend sa source dans les morales antiques, mais elle rejette leur essentialisme et s'appuie sur l'humilité et sur la vulnérabilité. Alors que Bernard de Clairvaux fait reposer la considération sur une expérience de l'incommensurable supposant la foi, Corine Pelluchon la définit par la transdescendance. Celle-ci désigne un mouvement d'approfondissement de soi-même permettant au sujet d'éprouver le lien l'unissant aux autres vivants et de transformer la conscience de son appartenance au monde commun en savoir vécu et en engagement. La considération est l'attitude globale sur laquelle les vertus se fondent au cours d'un processus d'individuation dont l'auteur décrit les étapes. (shrink)

Résumé Le commentaire du pape cistercien d’Avignon, Benoît XII (Jacques Fournier), sur l’évangile de Matthieu a été partiellement édité au xvii e siècle par les dominicains qui l’attribuèrent à Benoît XI. Nous disposons ainsi d’une édition des traités 28 à 50 concernant le Discours sur la montagne (qui plus est, aujourd’hui disponible en ligne). À partir d’une lecture des deux premiers traités, cet article s’intéresse aux considérations exégétiques originales du pape cistercien, mais surtout à sa présentation de l’éthique du Christ. (...) Car c’est bien ainsi que sont abordées les béatitudes, et le moine donne, en particulier à propos de la première, un enseignement très original et approfondi sur l’humilité. Cette vertu clé du socratisme chrétien dont Bernard est le fleuron constitue le point de départ d’une philosophie pratique spécifiquement cistercienne. Le pape d’Avignon s’avère sur ce point un fidèle disciple de l’Abbé de Clairvaux. (shrink)

Finding its originality in an anchorage that is both clinical and speculative, this article brings to the science of spiritual accompaniment not only the consideration of a double typology of spiritual wounds, but also and above all the way of accompanying them spiritually. Regarding the double typology of spiritual wounds, the author draws on his research developed in his work Soins palliatifs. Accompagner pour vivre, which presents a typology of so-called “fundamental” injuries. Armed with this foundation, the author takes on (...) the work of a spiritual care intern who he has supervised himself. From the 20 verbatim produced by the latter, based on a qualitative methodology, he updates a second typology of injuries which he calls “transversal.” It is then, in the conjunction of these two typologies, that the author deals with the way of accompanying them and offers secular spiritual accompaniment going beyond what the anthropology of the theologian and philosopher Louis Roy suggests. This surpassing takes place thanks to the appropriation that Corine Pelluchon makes of the anthropology of Bernard de Clairvaux. The conceptual framework of the article invites us to revisit the notion of “existential suffering” in the light of spiritual wounds and therefore “spiritual suffering.”. (shrink)

This paper presents Bernard of Clairvaux as seen and interpreted by the Cistercian Abbot Isaac of Stella in his Sermon 52 In Assumptione Beatae Mariae. A comparison between the latter and Saint Bernard's sermon De tribus generibus emissionum (= De diversis 91) does not only reveal the important debt of Isaac to Bernard, but it also points to the innovative interpretation Isaac applies to Bernard's thought. Thus Isaac is shown to establish an original relation among (...) ecclesiology, Mariology and a theology of individual religious experience. (shrink)

Le XIIe siecle, celui des renaissances, est une periode d'echanges multiformes entre traditions, cultures, ecoles. Sans doute aucun siecle n'est-il plus difficile a unifier que celui-ci: l'appropriation des doctrines greco-arabes voisine avec le developpement autonome des arts du langage, le temps d'Abelard est aussi celui de Bernard de Clairvaux, la dialectique s'elabore dans l'affrontement des multiples ecoles ou sectes. Ce foisonnement que n'encadre pas encore l'institution universitaire recoit ici divers eclairages portant sur la conception de la philosophie, sur (...) la cosmologie et les mathematiques ou sur les arts du langage. (shrink)

A partir des théories fondatrices de la pensée de l'image, développées par Platon et par Aristote, cet ouvrage tend à déterminer la nature de l'image cinématographique. Quelle est la teneur de la reproduction mise en jeu au cinéma? Quelle est la spécificité de cette reproduction qui duplique le réel sans qu'intervienne la main humaine? Quel rapport le cinéma, double du réel, entretient-il à la notion de modèle?

The aim of this article is to analyze Book III of Bernard of Clairvaux 's treatise De consideratione dedicated to his former disciple, the Pope Eugenius IIL In this particular Book, Bernard considers, on the one hand, the principal duties of the Roman Pontíff concerning spiritual affairs and, on the other reflects about the main problems that at the time were prejudicial of the good order as well as of the religious and moral life and peace expected (...) in the interior of the Ecclesia/Christianitas. The author of the article infers from this analysis that the Doctor Mellífiuous clearly supports the thesis that the Pope must not exercise the fullness of power in spiritualibus (much less in temporalibus), even though there were reasons that could justífy actions of this kind, because they do not have a basis in Scripture nor in Justice; neither does it consider the utility it might have for the faithful, or their sense of decency. The article also underlines the importance and the posterior reception of this Book III in the political writings of William of Ockham and of Marsilius of Padua against the pontifical hierocracy during the first half of the XIV century. (shrink)

The relations of William of Champeaux, who began the founding of the abbey of Saint Victor in Paris, and Peter Abelard are known from the Historia calamitatum which the peripateticus palatinus wrote years after the event. We have no historical report that Abelard ever met Hugh of Saint Victor but already their contemporaries brought together their works in the manuscripts into which they copied them. A detailed analysis of their writings reveals tliat they had much more in common than is (...) generally believed They both use the terms 'potentia', 'sapientia' and 'benignitas' to refer to the three persons of the Trinity, and together with Walter of Mortagne they both deal with the wisdom ('sapientia') of the incarnated second person. Also, together with Bernard of Clairvaux they discuss the necessity of baptism for salvation. All these questions are linked to the question of universals for which Abelard is a famous protagonist and the comparison reveals that Hugh's position, to which we have only indirect access, is quite close to Abelard's in its nominalist orientation but differs because he has a different concept of how we achieve knowledge about God. Hugh also develops a special position-not to be found in other authors of his day-on how words signify things in the Sacred Scriptures. /// As relações de Guilherme de Champeaux, o qual deu início à fundação da abadia de S. Vítor em Paris, e Pedro Abelardo são conhecidas pela Historia calamitatum escritas pelo peripateticus palatinus alguns anos depois do acontecimento. Não possuímos qualquer relato histórico segundo o qual Abelardo se terá encontrado com Hugo de S. Vítor, mas é certo que já os seus contemporâneos coligiram as obras de ambos nos manuscritos para os quais as copiaram. Uma análise detalhada dos seus escritos revela que ambos têm muito mais em comum do que geralmente se crê ser o caso. Ambos usam os termos 'potentia', 'sapientia' e 'benignitas' para se referirem às três pessoas da Trindade; em conjunto com Gualtério de Mortagne ambos se referem à sabedoria ('sapientia') da segunda pessoa incarnada; e em conjunto com S. Bernardo de Clairvaux ambos discutem a necessidade do baptismo para a salvação. Todas estas questões estão relacionadas com a questão dos universais em relação à qual Abelardo é um dos mais famosos protagonistas, revelando a comparação entre ambos que aposição de Hugo, em relação à qual temos apenas um acesso indirecto, está muito próxima da de Abelardo no que se refere à sua orientação nominalista, mas difere na medida em que ele tem um conceito diferente no que se refere ao modo como alcançamos conhecimento acerca de Deus. Hugo desenvolve também uma posição especial–a qual não se encontra em autores seus contemporâneos–acerca do modo como as palavras significam as coisas na Sagrada Escritura. (shrink)

RESUMO: O artigo examina a apropriação heideggeriana de Bernardo de Claraval na nota "Zu den Sermones Bernardi in Canticum canticorum ",que faz parte de outras notas e esboços de uma Vorlesung não proferida, intitulada "Os fundamentos filosóficos da mística medieval ". Ao longo de minha análise, destaco três aspectos com base na fórmula inicial: "Hoje lemos no livro da experiência" -, que é parafraseada por Heidegger da seguinte maneira: "Hoje queremos mover-nos no campo da experiência pessoal de maneira compreensiva. Retorno (...) à esfera da vivência própria e ausculta da revelação da própria consciência". Portanto, primeiramente, enfatizo a fórmula inicial como campo experiencial que o livro faz abrir: ler não é mais decifrar, mas mover-se a si mesmo, recolher, até mesmo ser afetado. Em segundo lugar, a partir da apropriação da cristologia de Bernardo de Claraval, mostro como Heidegger aponta para uma "experiência fundamental", no sentido de que, mesmo considerando que a experiência religiosa do místico cisterciense esteja centrada na figura de Cristo celebrado na liturgia monástica, a religiosidade cristã descortinada é uma vida fundamentalmente mais intensa e mais rica em vivências e em fenômenos vividos. Por fim, em terceiro lugar, destaco certa "inviolabilidade" da experiência religiosa em Bernardo de Claraval,concernente à autonomia e independência absolutas, de modo que nenhuma autoridade exterior, nem mesmo a eclesiástica, poderá determinar o sentido fundamentado em corpo doutrinal estranho às vivências mesmas. Para iluminar as notas da Vorlesung cancelada, as minhas análises recorrem às outras preleções de Heidegger ministradas na Universidade de Freiburg. ABSTRACT: This article examines Heidegger's appropriation of ideas of Bernard of Clairvaux in the note "Zu den Sermons Bernardi in Canticum Canticorum ", which is part of other notes and sketches in a never presented Vorlesung entitled "Philosophical foundations of medieval mysticism ". Throughout my analysis I highlight three points, based on the initial formula "Today we read in the book of experience". This formula is paraphrased by Heidegger as follows: "Today we want to move ourselves in the field of personal experience in a comprehensive way, return to the sphere of living itself and perceive the revelation of conscience itself." Therefore, first I emphasize the initial formula as an experiential field that the book opens: to read is no longer to decipher, but moving oneself, collecting, and even being affected. Second, based on the appropriation of the Christology of Bernard of Clairvaux, I show how Heidegger points to a "fundamental experience" in the sense that, even considering that the religious experience of the Cistercian mystic is centered on the figure of Christ celebrated in the monastic liturgy, the unveiled Christian religion is a life that is fundamentally more intense and richer in living experiences and lived phenomena. Finally, and in third place, I highlight a certain "inviolability" of religious experience in Bernard of Clairvaux in the sense of absolute autonomy and independence, so that no external authority, not even ecclesiastic authority, can determine meaning based on a body of doctrine foreign to lived experience. To illuminate the notes on the cancelled Vorlesung, my analysis turns to other lectures Heidegger gave at the University of Freiburg. (shrink)

O presente artigo apresenta a visão e a interpretação de Bernardo de Claraval que nos oferece o abade cisterciense Isaac de Stella no seu Sermão 52 In Assumptione Beatae Mariae. Comparando esta homilia com o sermão De tribus generibus emissionum (= De diversis 91) de São Bernardo, o artigo salienta, por um lado, a importante dívida de Isaac em relação a S. Bernardo, ao mesmo tempo que, por outro lado, analisa a interpretação inovadora que Isaac aplica ao pensamento bernardino e (...) estabelece uma original relação sistemático-dogmática entre eclesiologia, mariologia e uma teologia da experiência religiosa individual. /// This paper presents Bernard of Clairvaux as seen and interpreted by the Cistercian Abbot Isaac of Stella in his Sermon 52 In Assumptione Beatae Mariae. A comparison between the latter and Saint Bernard's sermon De tribus generibus emissionum (= De diversis 91) does not only reveal the important debt of Isaac to Bernard, but it also points to the innovative interpretation Isaac applies to Bernard's thought. Thus Isaac is shown to establish an original relation among ecclesiology, mariology and a theology of individual religious experience. (shrink)

The author discusses St. Bernard of Clairvaux’s understanding of paradisus claustralis—the monastic life of union with the Divine Will. Specifically, he tries to answer the question whether divine love can be taught according to the method proposed by St. Bernard. He makes his way through a whole thicket of artificial obstacles erected around it in order to show the whole positive contribution of history to the understanding of St. Bernard’s mystical theology.

Bernard of Clairvaux's understanding of secientia mundi is founded in the Bible and obviously is pejorative. It is a knowledge that leads to vanity. This is why it is the knowledge of the morally bad. In his theology, inspired by Paul, Bernard opposes to this negatively qualified wisdom of the world the wisdom of God that is identical with Christ (sapientia Dei). This wisdom is characterized by saintliness and peacefulness. The God-given effects of this essentially divine wisdom (...) can also be seen in the wisdom of the wise and just human being. This wisdom consists in the knowledge that is required for the actualisation of the love of God and of the love of the neighbour and is thus necessary for the salvation of the human being. (shrink)

Theologian Erik Peterson’s thesis concerning the rupture of Christian theology away from the Greek and Roman pagan theologico-political problem and from Israel’s monotheism is well-founded theologically but historically problematic. This paper offers a critical analysis of this situation by exposing specifically Christian concepts for a political theology. These concepts have determined the permanence and flexibility of political theology since Constantine’s Empire up to contemporary liberal democracies.

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:What Is Deviated Transcendency? Woolf's The Waves as a Textbook CaseSimon De Keukelaere (bio)The Waves, more than any of Virginia Woolf's other novels, conveys the complexities of human experience.—Kate FlintHumankind—according to mimetic theory—is not (as Marx thought) homo economicus but rather homo religiosus. Mensonge Romantique et Vérité Romanesque, Girard's first essay (1961), evocatively opens with a saying by Max Scheler: "L'homme possède ou un Dieu ou une idole" (Man (...) has either a God or an idol). If we may believe Girard, the Enlightenment profoundly misunderstood human beings because it naively assumed that doing away with "ancient superstitions" would fully liberate them: "denial of God does not eliminate transcendency but diverts it from the au-delà to the endeçà " (Girard 1965, 59).What has all this to do with Virginia Woolf's secular art? René Girard's "transcendance déviée," the diverted or deviated transcendency––which we may also want to term idolatry––is beautifully and transparently depicted in one of Woolf's most enigmatic and experimental novels. In The Waves, the portrayal of human desire as mimetic, imitated, is so crystal clear that––once noticed—it can hardly be overlooked any longer. Perhaps even more interesting for mimetic theory is the fact that Woolf (just as Proust did before her) brings into play the language of the sacred when rendering the mimetic nature of human longing. Neither of these two aspects of The Waves (the obsessively mimetic nature of desire and the use of the religious metaphor) have been fully unraveled by Woolf's critics.The purpose of this article is to make obvious the value of Virginia Woolf's (poetic) language for mimetic scholars and to show how deviated transcendency can be made visible and (above all) intelligible through great secular literature. The study of literature is vital to the humanities, not for some frivolous, outdated reasons, but because great literature can, sometimes [End Page 195] more effectively than many erudite studies, convey the complexities of human experience.It would no doubt be unjustifiable to foist Girard's mimetic thesis on Woolf's novel without clear support from the text, but I believe The Waves provides such backing. The outline of the present article is as follows. I first argue that the characters in Woolf's novel really are interdividuals rather than individuals, since mimetic desire plays an important role in them. I subsequently focus on a typically metaphysical illusion that goes along with mimetic desire, that is, the apparent self-sufficiency or divine autonomy of the Other. Then I show how the religious metaphor is consistently linked with the first-mentioned issue and that a form of distorted mysticism is to be recognized throughout the novel. Finally I examine how in The Waves deviated transcendency is depicted as a road toward Death in exactly the same way as Girard does in his Mensonge Romantique et Vérité Romanesque (1961).The Interdividual and Her Mimetic DesireMimetic theory is deeply involved with the problem of selfhood, the paradoxical nature of subjectivity. According to René Girard we are not individuals but interdividuals. The ambiguous nature of the Self is a recurrent theme in Woolf's novels too, and especially in The Waves, it seems. As Lisa Marie Lucenti remarks: "Many critics seem to agree that subjectivity, for Woolf, is no simple matter, but they disagree on the significance, expression and forms of its intricacies. The most productive theories for reading Woolf are those which allow for a large measure of variation and ambiguity both between and within individual subjects" (1998, 34). The problematic nature of the Self challenges the critic, since the very concept of character is turned into a conundrum, rather than a useful instrument with which to analyze the novel. To speak of separated characters, of individuals (in-divisus) with regard to The Waves is particularly difficult. So, for example, at the end of the novel Bernard (one of the six "voices" or "characters" whose lives are recounted) states: "I am many people; I do not altogether know who I am—Jinny, Susan, Neville, Rhoda or Louis; or how to distinguish my life from theirs... (shrink)

Les errements d'Yves de Vallone (1666/67-1705) et les péripéties de sa carrière sont remarquables. Engagé malgré lui dans la Congrégation de Sainte-Geneviève à l'âge de 16 ans, il s'enflamme lorsqu'il est informé qu'il existe une "petite Église" de sociniens au sein de son ordre. Il accuse les directeurs génovéfains d'hérésie et subit une persécution très éprouvante, mais finit par faire démettre le supérieur général et ses acolytes, non pas à cause de leur hérésie, mais à cause de la persécution qu'ils (...) lui ont infligée. La nouvelle direction génovéfaine cherchant à venger l'ancienne, Vallone s'échappe en Suisse et en Allemagne et se convertit au protestantisme en 1697. Appelé à Zwolle aux Provinces-Unies, il s'érige en apologiste rationaliste de la doctrine calviniste de la prédestination dans deux écrits dirigés contre les luthériens. Cependant, ne voulant abandonner la métaphysique aux libertins ; il se laisse emporter par la logique de sa propre conception malebranchiste de l'Être infiniment parfait et se heurte à la critique de Jacques Bernard et à la censure par un synode de l'Église réformée en 1703. Il abandonne alors, non pas son rationalisme malebranchiste, mais la doctrine du péché originel qui avait entraîné toutes ses difficultés : sous l'influence de Leenhof, et à l'aide des œuvres de Richard Simon, de Pierre Bayle et de Spinoza, il dresse une histoire accablante de la doctrine chrétienne et élabore un système philosophique où Dieu, principe intelligent de tout ce qui existe, agit par la nécessité de sa propre nature et finit par se confondre avec la Nature."--Page 4 of cover. (shrink)